The Waqf Amendment Bill: A Masterstroke by BJP to Undermine Indian Muslims?
On April 4, 2025, the Indian Parliament passed the Waqf (Amendment) Bill, 2025, a legislative move hailed by the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) as a "historic event" aimed at modernizing the administration of Waqf properties. With the Lok Sabha approving it by a vote of 288-232 and the Rajya Sabha following suit with 128-95, the bill now awaits Presidential assent to become law. Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah have celebrated it as a step toward transparency and social justice, but beneath the surface lies a narrative that has ignited fierce debate: Is this bill a calculated masterstroke by the BJP to dismantle the economic and cultural foundations of Indian Muslims?
For decades, Waqf properties—lands and assets donated by Muslims for religious or charitable purposes—have been a cornerstone of the community’s autonomy and welfare in India. Spanning an estimated 6 lakh acres and valued at ₹10–12 lakh crore, these properties fund mosques, schools, hospitals, and support for the poor. Critics argue that the Waqf (Amendment) Bill, 2025, is not a reform but a strategic assault, designed to erode Muslim control over these assets and align with the BJP’s broader ideological agenda. This article explores how the bill, presented as a progressive measure, could be interpreted as a devastating blow to Indian Muslims—and a political triumph for the BJP.
The Bill: A Facade of Reform?
The Waqf (Amendment) Bill, 2025, introduces sweeping changes to the Waqf Act of 1995, which governs these endowments. Key provisions include the mandatory inclusion of non-Muslims and women in Waqf Boards, the empowerment of district collectors to survey and validate Waqf properties, and increased government oversight through registration and audit requirements. The BJP asserts that these amendments will curb corruption, enhance accountability, and benefit marginalized Muslims, particularly women and the poor, by enabling development projects like schools and hospitals on Waqf land.
However, opposition leaders and Muslim organizations paint a starkly different picture. The All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB) and Jamiat Ulama-e-Hind have condemned the bill as an attack on community autonomy, arguing that it hands the state unprecedented control over religious endowments—a privilege not extended to Hindu temples or other religious institutions. Congress leader Sonia Gandhi called it a "brazen assault on the Constitution," accusing the BJP of bulldozing the legislation through Parliament to polarize society. Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M.K. Stalin and AIMIM chief Asaduddin Owaisi have vowed to challenge its constitutionality in the Supreme Court, alleging it violates Articles 14 (equality), 25 (religious freedom), and 26 (right to manage religious affairs).
The inclusion of non-Muslims in Waqf Boards, a particularly contentious provision, is seen by critics as a deliberate attempt to dilute Muslim authority. Home Minister Amit Shah defended this by warning that excluding non-Muslims would "break" the country along communal lines, but opponents counter that this logic is hypocritical—why, they ask, are similar mandates not imposed on Hindu temple trusts? The shift of survey powers to district collectors, often perceived as extensions of state governments (many BJP-ruled), further fuels suspicions of a land grab masked as administrative reform.
A Historical Context: The BJP and Waqf
To understand the bill’s implications, one must consider the BJP’s historical relationship with the Waqf Act. Critics point to the party’s role in strengthening the Act during its earlier years in opposition. In the 1990s and early 2000s, BJP leaders, including Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi, supported amendments that bolstered Waqf Boards’ powers, such as the controversial clause allowing them to claim properties without robust legal challenge—a provision now cited as draconian by the same party. This volte-face suggests a strategic pivot: having once fortified the Waqf system, the BJP now seeks to dismantle it under the guise of reform.
The timing of the bill aligns suspiciously with upcoming state elections, particularly in Bihar, where the BJP aims to expand its influence. Communist Party of India (Marxist) leader Subhashini Ali has accused the government of using the bill to polarize voters, a tactic the BJP has been alleged to employ in the past with measures like the Citizenship (Amendment) Act. The Munambam agitation in Kerala, where 600 Christian families have protested the State Waqf Board’s claim to 400 acres of land, provided the BJP with a convenient entry point. Hours after the bill’s passage, 50 Munambam residents—all Christians—joined the BJP, a move celebrated by state president Rajeev Chandrasekhar as evidence of the party’s growing appeal. This suggests the bill is not just about Muslims but a broader play to consolidate non-Muslim support.
The Economic and Cultural Fallout
The potential consequences for Indian Muslims are profound. Waqf properties are not merely assets; they are a lifeline for a community that ranks among India’s most economically disadvantaged. According to the Sachar Committee Report (2006), Muslims lag behind in education, employment, and income, with Waqf-funded institutions often serving as their only safety net. By placing these properties under greater state control, the bill risks diverting them from community welfare to government-approved projects—or worse, private developers. BJP MP Ravi Shankar Prasad’s observation that Waqf land in Patna hosts "five-star hotels and showrooms" rather than hospitals hints at a future where commercial interests could supersede charitable ones.
Culturally, the bill strikes at the heart of Muslim identity. Waqf is rooted in Islamic tradition, symbolizing a collective commitment to faith and charity. By imposing secular oversight and non-Muslim representation, the BJP is accused of undermining this sacred institution, reducing it to a bureaucratic entity. Protests in Kolkata, Chennai, and Ahmedabad on April 4, 2025, saw thousands of Muslims waving national flags and holding signs like "Reject Waqf Bill" and "Don’t Politicize Sacred Waqf Assets," reflecting a deep sense of betrayal. A protester in Kolkata told The Hindu, "They are trying to take away our properties and capture our religious places of worship. Since the day this party came to power, they have been against Muslims."
The Masterstroke: Political Genius or Communal Gambit?
For the BJP, the bill is a political masterstroke. It reinforces the party’s narrative of "reform" while subtly advancing its Hindutva agenda. By framing Waqf Boards as corrupt and opaque—a charge not entirely baseless given past mismanagement—the BJP justifies state intervention, appealing to its base’s desire for centralized control. Simultaneously, it positions itself as a champion of "poor Muslims" and women, a tactic evident in Modi’s outreach to Pasmanda Muslims and the triple talaq ban. The bill’s passage, despite a narrow defeat margin in the Rajya Sabha (where the opposition INDIA bloc has only 81 members to the BJP’s 98), underscores the party’s ability to rally allies like JD(U), Shiv Sena (Shinde), and TDP, signaling a return to NDA dominance.
The opposition’s disarray amplifies the BJP’s triumph. The Congress, CPI(M), and Trinamool Congress have struggled to present a united front, with regional parties like BJD and AIADMK showing ambivalence or partial support. The bill’s retroactive application, a concern raised by West Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee, could unsettle existing property arrangements, further weakening Muslim economic power while the opposition scrambles for a legal counteroffensive.
Conclusion: A Community at the Crossroads
The Waqf (Amendment) Bill, 2025, may well be remembered as a turning point for Indian Muslims—a moment when their economic backbone was fractured under the pretext of progress. For the BJP, it is a dual victory: a policy win that aligns with its ideological vision and a political coup that deepens societal fault lines. Whether this "masterstroke" destroys the community, as critics fear, or reshapes it into a state-dependent entity remains to be seen. What is clear is that the bill has reignited a battle over identity, autonomy, and power in India—a battle the BJP appears poised to win, at least for now.
As the Supreme Court prepares to hear challenges from the Congress and AIMIM, the nation watches a drama unfold that could redefine the place of its largest minority. For Indian Muslims, the stakes could not be higher.
